وصل هذا وقت معين. الوقت فيه درجة حرارة الهواء تجاوز درجة حرارة جسمي. كل مرة ألمس عجلة القيادة، انا في خطر حرق راحتان أيادي. بقدر ما استطيع ان اقول، لا يوجد سوى موسمين في عمان: الموسم المعرق، و الموسم المعرق جدا. والآن، رجع الأخير، و من الواضح أنني لا بد من العودة إلى مكان فيه يستمر الصيف ثلاثة أشهر فقط.

It’s that time of the year again.  Time for the air temperature to exceed my body

sunset, Maseira Island

temperature.  Every time I touch the steering wheel, I risk getting a first degree burn.  As far as I can tell, there are only two seasons in Oman: the sweaty season, and the really sweaty season.  Now that the latter has returned, I know it’s time for me to return to a place where summer only lasts three months.

But what I’ve learned in Oman will continue to shape the way I think, and I know I’ll miss this place in ways I can’t even anticipate yet.  I leave here convinced that freedom of expression is a vital human right, without which we cannot hope to effect any meaningful change in the status quo.  The right to speak openly and honestly can only be guaranteed by a strong legal framework, so I will be applying to law schools in the fall in the hopes of one day working to strengthen that framework in the Middle East.  This blog has been a record of my piecemeal thought process, and I thank you all for reading and commenting.  Fjord Lord will be entering a hibernative state, but I hope to reactivate it in the future — the next time I have adventures worth writing about.  Until then, ma’a salaama…

Lord of the Fjord
ربة الفيورد

ولكن ما تعلمت في سلطنة عمان ستستمر في تشكيل طريقة تفكيري، وانا على يقين أنني سأفتقد هدا البلد الجميل بطرق لا يمكنني أتوقع في الوقت الحالي. أترك عمان مع إقتناع بأن حرية التعبير هي حق الإنسان الحيوية، و بدونها لا يمكننا أن نأمل أن تأثير أي تغيير حقيقي في الوضع الراهن. الحق في الكلام بصراحة وأمانة لا يمكن أن يضمنها إلا من خلال إطار قانوني قوي، ولذلك قررتُ لحضور كلية القانون في السنة المقبلة. أن شاء الله، يوم ما، سأعمل على تعزيز هذا الإطار قانوني في منطقة الشرق الأوسط.

هذه المدونة كانت رقما قياسيا من عملية تفكيري، وأشكر لكم جميعا على القراءة والتعليق. أنمنى أن أجدد نشاط مدونتي في المستقبل، لكن في الوقت الحاضر، تدخل المدونة في مرحلة السبات.  مع سلامة حتى عودتي … ربة الفيورد

Lord of the Fjord

إلى أي مدى تجد الرقابة الذاتية و الرقابة الرسمية في عمن اليوم؟ تنتقد بعض السياسات حكومية على مدونك. هل تقلق بشأن العواقب المترتبة على مثل هذه التصريحات؟ هل واجهتَ التهديد أو الترهيب من الموظفين العموميين في أي وقت؟

It’s impossible to conduct research on Omani literature without running up against the related issues of censorship and freedom of expression.  Over the past year, I’ve talked to poets, novelists and short story writers whose work has been denounced or even banned for transgressing the dense matrix of  “red lines” and taboos that define the public discourse in this country.  In my experience here, public officials and institutions are too invested in the preservation of the status quo to even contemplate the possibility that the prevailing system

Criticism is Oman's kryptonite. The powers that be like to keep it contained.

might have some imperfections.  Criticism is to autocracy as kryptonite is to Superman.  In systems that don’t tolerate political pluralism, dissent is seen as something toxic that needs to be quarantined and quieted.

This systemic intolerance of even the mildest criticism has had a negative impact on Oman’s literary scene.  Although official censorship is relatively rare here, most of the writers I have interviewed have admitted to some degree of self-censorship  — a necessary precaution taken to protect themselves from allegations of defamatory speech.  But even when writers take pains to avoid publishing anything that could be construed as defamatory or insulting, they are still at risk for legal sanctions.  Take the case of short story writer, Hamoud al Shakili, who was taken to court earlier this year by someone who shared the same name as one of his fictional characters.  The plaintiff claimed that al Shakili based a character on him and in doing so violated the Press and Publications Law.  Salim al Tuwaia points out the absurdity of this case with his observation that the character’s name was an extremely common one that many Omanis probably share.

If writers have to worry about their fictional characters bearing too close a resemblance to real people, it’s no small wonder that they steer clear of truly controversial issues.  Self-censorship is as rampant in the blogosphere as it is in the Omani literary scene, although Omanis living abroad can criticize the system more freely than those who are living and working within it.  Ammar al Mamari is one of Oman’s most outspoken young bloggers, and his idealism and commitment to freedom of expression have prevented me from succumbing entirely to my cynical tendencies this year.  Ammar blogs prolifically from Amman, Jordan, where he is currently studying law.  Some activists try to change systems from within, but Ammar critiques the status quo from hundreds of miles away.  By distancing himself from the system, Ammar has been able to write about it more critically and honestly than some of the “insiders” I have met in Oman. Earlier this year, I asked him whether he thinks that traditional literature (short stories and poetry) and internet-based forms of expression like blogs are contributing to a more vibrant public sphere in Oman.  He has given me permission to publish excerpts of his responses (translated into English), which shed light on the aspirations of a new generation of tech-savvy and politically conscious Omanis.

Fjord Lord: To what extent are self-censorship and official censorship present in Oman today?  You have criticized certain government policies on your blog.  Do you ever worry about the potential ramifications of such comments?  Have you ever faced threats or intimidation from public officials?

في أعتقادي أن الرقابة الذاتية في عمان متطورة بشكل متسارع حتى تكون مواكبة للراقبة الرسمية … إلا أن هذا التسارع في تطوير الراقبة الذاتية يؤكد مدى تسارع الراقبة الرسمية والتي كثيرا ما تضرب بعصا القانون بغض النظر عن الشرعية القانونية لتلك الرقابة … وهذا الأمر أيضاً يخلق حالة من الشك لمدى فاعلية الضمانات القانونية التي يستطيع أن يستند عليها الكاتب والتي يستخدمها لحمايته.

أعتقد أن المسألة برمتها تتعلق بفهم الحقوق والقوانين فهناك قله وعي من الرأي العام للجوانب الحقوقية والقانونية التي أكدها الدستور أو كما يسمى في عمان بالنظام الأساسي للدولة المشكلة أن الدولة رسخت مفهوم الدولة الراعية والدولة الحارسة … و يصطدم هذا المفهوم مع مفهوم الحقوق الإنسانية والقانونية الدستورية لنجد أن المواطن يستسيغ فكرة تجميد الحق القانوني الذي منحه أياه الدستور والقانون أمام تصرف قمعي من السلطة ويكون ذلك إما جهلاً نتيجة عدم قيام الدولة بشكل متعمد نشر ثقافة الحقوق أو خوفاً بسبب التصرفات القمعية المباشرة القديمة (الأجهزة الأمنية) والحديثة (عبر إستخدام عصا القانون) ف

بالنسبة لي فلا أخفيك قلقي الشديد … فلا يمكنني الإستناد إلى القانون في ظل وجود ممارسات قمعية تقوم بها الدولة باسم القانون … بالنسبة للمضايقات فهي مضايقات لا تختلف إطلاقاً عن المضايقات التي يواجهها أي كاتب أو صحفي أو مدون أو كاتب إنترنت تبدأ عادة عبر تحريك المؤسسة الإجتماعية وتنتهي بتحريك المؤسسة الأمنية والقضائية عبر التهديد والترهيب إلا أن وجودي خارج عمان للدراسة ساعدني كثيراً في الإبتعاد عن تلك المضايقات رغم ملاحة بعضها لي في الخارج .

Ammar al Mamari: In my opinion, self-censorship in Oman has become a coping mechanism that helps writers deal with official censorship.  However the rapid development of self-censorship confirms the intensification of official censorship which is being exercised regardless of the legal legitimacy of such censorship …  This creates a state of doubt as to the effectiveness of legal safeguards that the writer can rely on for his protection.

I believe that this whole issue is related to an understanding of rights and law, but there is a lack of public awareness of the the rights and legal safeguards affirmed by the “constitution,” or as it is called in Oman, the Basic Law.  When faced with oppressive actions by the state, citizens tolerate this infringement on the rights granted them by the Basic Law.  This pattern is the result of either ignorance due to the state’s deliberate failure to promote a culture of legal literacy or the result of fear stemming from direct and traditional methods of repression (the security apparatus) or modern methods (the force of law).

As for me, I cannot conceal my intense worry … I cannot rely on the law in the presence of oppressive practices exercised  by the state in the name of the law.  As for harassment, the harassment I have faced is no different at all from the harassment faced by any writer or journalist or blogger or internet writer.  The backlash usually starts in societal institutions and ends with threats and intimidation by the security establishment and judiciary.  However, my residence outside of Oman for academic pursuits has helped me in evading this harassment, although some continue to pursue me overseas.

أنت كتبتَ حول قضايا الكُتاب مثل حمود الشخيلي وغيرهم من الذين حوكموا لعملهم. ونظرا للقيود على حرية التعبير في عمان، هل تعتقد أن الكتاب يمكن أن يلعبوا دورا في انتقاد بعض جوانب المجتمع ، وتدعو إلى إجراء تغييرات إيجابية؟

Fjord Lord: You have blogged about the cases of writers like Hamoud Al Shakili and others who have been prosecuted for their work.  Given the constraints on individual expression, do you think that writers can still play a role in criticizing some aspects of society and calling for positive changes?

في عمان الدولة حاولت أن تضع الأدب والنتاج الأدبي في أطار لا يخدم المجتمع العماني عبر تهجيره إلى واقع لا يلامس قضايا المجتمع العماني وطوحاته ولذلك نجد أن أي نتاج أدبي يلامس واقع وطموحات المجتمع العماني يقابل من قبل المواطنين بالترحيب وفي الجهة المقابلة يقابل من السلطات بشيء من الرفض ليكرس إما بالمنع أو بالملاحقة القضائية وهذا ما شاهدناه مثلاً في راوية الوخز لحسين العبري وتاريخ عمان السياسي للطائي وكثير من الأعمال التي يطول ذكرها هنا إن شأتي يمكنني أن أمدك بقائمة طويلة لا تنتهي .

والآن نجد أن الجيل الجديد من الأدباء والكتاب العمانيين خاصة ممن لم يشاهدوا عملية المقاربة والمقارنة بين ما كان عليه الوضع قبل السبعين وما عليه الآن جميعهم أدركوا مدى أهمية ملامسة المجتمع بعيداً عن ذلك الإطار المتخشب التي أرتضته السلطة للأدب العماني ولذلك شاهدنا الشكيلي وأقلام كثيرة حاولت أن تلامس الواقع الإجتماعي لوعيها التام للدور الحقيقي للأدب في عملية التغيير والتطوير في ظل المتغيرات المحلية والدولية.

Ammar al Mamari: In Oman the state has tried to develop literature and literary output in a framework that does not serve Omani society and does not touch on important social issues.  Therefore we find that any literary production that does address the realities of society and the aspirations of Omanis is simultaneously embraced by citizens and met with judicial prosecution, as we saw in the case of the short story “The Sting” by Hussein al-Abri and “The Political History of Oman” by Ta’ii.  I could provide an endless list of such works (that have prompted legal backlash) …

Now we find a new generation of Omani writers who are not preoccupied with drawing comparisons between the situation before the 1970s and what is happening now.  All of them realize the great importance of addressing social issues beyond the wooden framework that is accepted by the authorities.  We have seen Shakili and many writers striving to address social reality with full awareness of the true role of literature in the processes of change and development in light of domestic and international changes.

في رأيك، هل التوسع في شبكة الانترنت و إزدهار المدونات تسهل للعمانيين تعبيرا عن آرائهم؟ ما هي القيود التي تفرضها الحكومة على استخدام الإنترنت؟

Fjord Lord: In your opinion, is the rise in internet usage and proliferation of blogs making it easier for Omanis to express their opinions?  What are the restrictions imposed by the government on internet usage?

بالتأكيد عزيزتي هي تسهل عملية التعبير عن الرأي أو بالأحرى هي القناة الوحيدة التي يمكن من خلالها التعبير عن الرأي رغم القيود التي تفرضهما السلطتان التشرعية والتنفيذية صحيح أنه من واجب السلطات الثلاث ( السلطة التشريعة والسلطة القضائية والسلطة التنفيذية ) في أي منظومة سياسية أن يكون لها دور رقابي على الإنترنت … وأن عدم الرقابة الإنترنت سيخلق بالتأكيد فوضى المجتمع في غنى عنها إلا أن هذه الرقابة لابد أن تؤطر فقط في مجال تنظيم خدمة الأغراض الذي تحققة الشبكة العالمية لا في مجال القمع ويكون كل ذلك التنظيم مستند على الشرعية التي تستمد منها الجهة الرقابية قوة تنظيمها والتي يحددها الدستور كعدم إنتهاك خصوصية الناس وحرية التعبير والرأي والصحافة أيضاً وغيرها من الحريات الإنسانية والقانونية الدستورية…
بالنسبة للقوانين التي تسنها السلطة التشريعية واللوائح والأنظمة التي تفرضها السلطة التنفيذية فيما يتعلق بمجالات حرية التعبير والرأي في الإنترنت تتسم بقصد التضيق لهذه الحرية التي أكدها النظام الأساسي للدولة …  فمثلاً لو تتبعنا حركة سن وتعديل المادة ٦١ الجديلة من قانون تنظيم الإتصالات … والتعديل الذي وسع نطاق المسؤلية الجنائية ليطال صاحب الموقع، لنكتشف مدى إنزعاج السلطات لدور الإنترنت في كشف وفضح الفساد.
أما إذا تحدثنا عن مدى إنصاف تلك القوانين واللوائح والأنظمة فلا يمكننا أن نغفل أن الدولة … صاحبة سلطة وسيادة عليها أن تؤكده لا أن تمارسه من أجل التستر على الفاسدين والمجرمين الحقيقيين … فدائما نجد أن الإدعاء العام يطرح نفسه كعدو للكتاب والصحفيين لا جهة قضائية يجب أن تكون منفصلة عن السلطة التنفيذية تقوم بتطبيق القانون بشكل عادل ومنصف ممثلة للمجتمع والحق العام فكل هذه الأمور تخلق هاجساً من الخوف والشك والريبة في في نفوس ناشطي الإنترنت لا ضمانات لحقوقهم تجعلهم يتأكدون ويثقون بإنصاف السلطات لهم.

Ammar al Mamari: Certainly, the internet has facilitated the expression of opinions and in fact is the only channel for expression opinions, despite restrictions imposed on its usage by the country’s legislative and executive authorities.  True, it is the duty of the three branches of government (Legislative, Judicial and Executive) in any political system to exercise some oversight over the internet …  Lack of regulation would surely result in societal chaos.  But it is essential that regulation be framed in a way that is consistent with constitutional guarantees of privacy and the freedoms of opinion and expression.

Regarding the enactment of legislation and the rules and regulations implemented by the executive in the areas of expression on the internet tend to restrict freedoms that are affirmed by the Basic Law … If we trace the enactment and modification of the controversial Article 61 of the Telecommunications Law and the amendment that broadens the responsibility of online forum administrators for the content published on the forums, we realize how aggravated the authorities have become with the internet and its ability to expose instances of corruption and scandal.

If we talk about the fairness of these laws and regulations, we cannot ignore the fact that the state sometimes exercises its power and sovereignty to cover up instances of fraud and crime … Meanwhile, we find that the judiciary has established itself as an enemy of writers and journalists, whereas it should be independent of the executive branch so as to apply the law fairly and equitably in a way that represents the interests of society.  All of these issues have contributed to fear and anxiety and paranoia among internet activists.  They realize that their rights are not guaranteed under the law, and therefore they cannot trust in the fairness of the authorities.

هل أنت متفائل أم متشائم حول مستقبل المجال العام العماني؟ (من “المجال العام،” أعني مجال الحياة الاجتماعية حيث يستطيع الناس أن يجتمعوا ويناقشوا بحرية الأمور التي يهتمون بها، و من خلال هذه المناقشة يمكنهم أن يمارسوا ضغوطا على النظام السياسي.) هل حرية التعبير في إزدياد أو في إنخفاض؟

Fjord Lord: Are you optimistic or pessimistic about the future of the Omani public sphere?  (By “public sphere,” I mean the sphere of social life in which citizens can freely debate issues of mutual concern, and through these debates exert pressure on the political system).  Is freedom of expression on the rise, or in decline?

حقيقة أنا متفائل جداً خاصة مع بداية أمل أنتشار الوعي لدى الناس وهذا الأمر جاء كردة فعل لممارسات السلطة في عمان إزاء كل من يحاول التعبير عن رأيه وشاهدنا الكثير من التحركات الشعبية الضاغطة على النظام الأساسي والتي وضعت النظام في موضع محرج خاصة أمام الرأي العام الدولية.

Ammar al Mamari: Truly, I am very optimistic about the spread of awareness among the people, which came in response to the authorities’ attempts to regulate anyone who tries to express an opinion.  We are seeing many popular movements that exert pressure on the system and that put the system in an embarrassing position, particularly in the face of international opinion.

هل استخدام الإنترنت هو الترياق لالسلطوية في الشرق الأوسط؟ من غير المرجح بأن “تويور” و”فيسبوك” يمكن بمفردهما تقويض شرعية النظم الراسخة مثل نظام لأحمدي نجاد، ولكن دراسة بحثية من مستخدمي الانترنت الكويتية تشير إلى أن شبكة الإنترنت تؤثير المواطنين على ما لا يقل عن السؤال — إن لم يشن تحدي مباشرة — الوضع السياسي الراهن. في الصيف الماضي، عملت ديبورا مينتز لورين ويلر مع الطلاب في الجامعة الأميركية في الكويت لإدارة دراسة بحثية تهدف إلى قياس تأثير شبكة الإنترنت على التطورات السياسية المحلية. ماذا وجدا؟ قال ٨٠.٥ في المئة من الكويتيين شملهم الاستطلاع انهم يعتقدون ان شبكة الانترنت تؤثر بشكل كبير على السياسة المحلية. هذا ليس اكتشافا مفاجئا، ولكنه يسهم لعدد متنام من الأبحاث و الدراسات التي تفترض وجود علاقة سببية بين استخدام الإنترنت والمشاركة المدنية.

Is internet usage the antidote to authoritarianism in the Middle East?  It would be a stretch to argue that Twitter and Facebook can single-handedly undermine the legitimacy of entrenched regimes like Ahmadinejad’s Iran, but a recent survey of Kuwaiti internet users suggests that the web has empowered citizens to at least question — if not directly challenge — the political status quo.  Fellow Oman blogger Middle East Nomad alerted me to the study, which was conducted by two American researchers in Kuwait.  Last summer, Deborah Mintz and Lauren Wheeler worked with students at the American University in Kuwait to administer a survey aimed at gauging the impact of the

In the Gulf countries, citizens are increasingly using the internet to influence the political process. Photograph: Kamran Jebreili/AP

internet on local political developments.  What did they find?  80.5 percent of the Kuwaitis surveyed said they believed that the internet was significantly impacting local politics.  This isn’t a ground-breaking revelation, but it does add to a growing body of literature positing a causal connection between internet usage and civic engagement.

Wheeler and Mintz described the study design to The Middle East Channel, a new blog launched by Foreign Policy:

“Last July, we worked with a group of students at the American University in Kuwait to design a unique survey of Internet use in the emirate. The students were given a list of 29 questions and asked to interview a cross section of Kuwaiti Internet users including men and women, young and old, from across the social-class spectrum, including only Kuwaiti nationals. The sample ultimately included 267 Internet users, with ages ranging from 16 to 61. Although this is not based on a random sample, the survey offers a fascinating glimpse into the online life of Kuwait’s wired public.”

The survey respondents shed light on the many ways in which internet usage is strengthening civil society, politicizing the younger generation, and creating opportunities for informed criticism of public officials.  One respondent alluded to the state-controlled media establishment, and suggested that the internet gives citizens access to information that is not provided by traditional media: “It makes people see what governments try to block on TV and mislead the people about.” This statement is consistent with what I have been learning recently about the role of blogs and internet forums in Oman’s public sphere, where writers and citizens are using digital media to evade the restrictions imposed on traditional print and broadcast media.  The political cultures of Oman and Kuwait are very different, but in both countries, internet users have employed the web to critique the performance of public officials and demand greater accountability.

But although the internet can be used to undermine the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes, it can just as easily be used to reinforce these political systems.  In their article, Mintz and Wheeler caution against the premature conclusion that the internet is necessarily a vehicle for progressive political movements and ideas.  As the authors note, governments can turn the tables on their cyber-savvy opponents by using the internet to monitor patterns of political dissent.  According to Mintz and Wheeler, “In addition to giving publics more information access and networking abilities, the Internet has likewise given more power to the authoritarian state, especially enhanced powers of surveillance.”  I have seen this phenomenon at work in Oman, where several of my interviewees have alleged that ministry officials and members of the security apparatus actively troll the online forums to keep tabs on trends in public opinion.  One Omani journalist, who has been subpoenaed more than once for criticizing the health care system and for accusing a government official of displacing a public school to build his private residence, said that the government has invested in extremely sophisticated software to pinpoint the IP addresses of internet users who make politically controversial or defamatory statements on the web.  While the internet has created new opportunities for challenging the political status quo, it has also been exploited by authoritarian regimes to monitor and repress opponents.  When it comes to political reform, the internet is a double-edged sword: it can be harnessed by opposition groups to mobilize public support for political change, while it is simultaneously utilized by incumbent regimes to monitor and track down the dissidents who threaten them.

وصفا ويلر ومينتز تصميم دراسة لقناة الشرق الأوسط، المدون الجديد التي أطلقتها مجلة السياسة الخارجية:

“في يوليو الماضي، عملنا مع مجموعة من الطلاب في الجامعة الأميركية في الكويت لتصميم دراسة فريدة لفحص استخدام الانترنت في الإمارة. قُدمت للطلاب لائحة من ٢٩ أسئلة ، وطلبنا منهم اجراء مقابلة مع قطاع عريض من مستخدمي الإنترنت في الكويت بما في ذلك رجالا ونساء، صغارا وكبارا، من مختلف ألوان الطيف الاجتماعي الطبقي من المواطنين الكويتيين . شملت العينة ٢٦٧ مستخدمي الانترنت، وتتراوح أعمارهم من ١٦ حتي ٦١. وعلى الرغم من هذه الدراسة ليست مستندة على عينة عشوائية، الدراسة تقدم لنا لمحة رائعة ومثيرة على الحياة  عبر الإنترنت بين الكويتين السلكية

سلط المجيبين على الاستبيان الضوء على وظيفة استخدام الإنترنت في عملية تعزيز المجتمع المدني، وتسييس جيل الشباب، وخلق فرص للنقد من الموظفين العموميين. أشار أحد الردود إلى وسائل الاعلام التي تسيطر عليها الدولة، واقترح أن الانترنت يعطي لمواطنين فرصة لوصول إلى المعلومات التي لم يتم توفير وسائل الاعلام التقليدية: “يجعل (الإنترنت) الناس يرون ما تحظره الحكومات من شاشة التلفزيون و أيضا كشف عن  محاولة الحكومة لتضليل الناس”. هذا البيان ينسجم مع ما أتعلم في الآونة الأخيرة عن دور المدونات ومنتديات الانترنت في المجال العام في سلطنة عمان، حيث الكُتّاب والمواطنين يستخدمون وسائل الإعلام الرقمية للتهرب من القيود المفروضة على وسائل الاعلام التقليدية المطبوعة والمذاعة. الثقافة السياسية في سلطنة عمان تختلف تماما مما نرى في الكويت، ولكن في كلا البلدين، يبدو أن يستخدم مستخدمي الانترنت  شبكة الإنترنت لنقد أداء الموظفين العموميين والطلب قدر أكبر من المساءلة من حكوماتهم.

على الرغم من أن يمكن يُستخدم الانترنت لتقويض شرعية النظم الاستبدادية، يمكن بنفس السهولة استخدامه لتعزيز هذه النظم السياسية. في مقالتهما،  تحذران مينتز وويلر من استنتاج بأن الانترنت هو بالضرورة وسيلة لحركات سياسية ليبرالية و لأفكار تقدمية.  كما تلاحظان المؤلفتان، يمكن للحكومات تقلب المائدة على خصومهم باستخدام شبكة الانترنت لرصد أنماط المعارضة السياسية. ووفقا لمينتز وويلر “بالإضافة إلى إعطاء لجمهور مزيد من الولوج إلى المعلومات،  منح الإنترنت أيضا المزيد من السلطة للدول الاستبدادية، وخاصة تعزيز سلطات المراقبة”. رأيتُ هذه الظاهرة في سلطنة عمان، حيث زعم كثير من المدونين و الصحافيين الذين تكلمتُ معهم بأن مسؤولين في وزارة وأعضاء جهاز الأمن يقرأون بنشاط منتديات الانترنت لمراقبة عن اتجاهات الرأي العام. وقال أحد الصحفيين العمانية، الذي كان استدعى أكثر من مرة بسبب انتقاده للنظام الرعاية الصحية واتهم مسؤول حكومي من تشريد مدرسة ثانوية لبناء مسكنه الخاص، أن الحكومة قد استثمرت في برامج متطورة للغاية لتحديد عناوين بروتوكول الإنترنت من مستخدمي الإنترنت الذين يدلون بتصريحات مثيرة للجدل سياسيا أو التشهير على شبكة الإنترنت. في حين أن شبكة الانترنت قد خلق فرصا جديدة للتحدي الوضع السياسي الراهن ، يمكن أيضا تم استغلاله من قبل الأنظمة الاستبدادية لرصد وقمع المعارضين. عندما يتعلق الأمر بالإصلاح السياسي ، الانترنت هو سلاح ذو حدين: يمكن تسخيرها من قبل جماعات المعارضة لحشد تأييد الرأي العام للتغيير السياسي، في حين يُستخدم في وقت واحد من قبل الأنظمة القائمة لرصد وتعقب المنشقين الذين يهددونها.

As competition between Oman's old and new media intensifies, will we see an improvement in the quality of both?

In a previous post, I admitted to a moderate obsession with Oman’s online Arabic forums (the major ones being Farrq, Sabla and Hara).  To be honest, I’ve completely spurned this country’s old media establishment in favor of new media, because I find that 95 percent of the content in print newspapers is hopelessly out of touch with reality.  The internet forums, on the other hand, are enabling vibrant, multi-perspectival debates surrounding the “bad news” stories ignored by the mainstream media which (big surprise!) prefers to publish only “good news.”  Last week, I met with a professor at Sultan Qaboos University who teaches in the Department of Media.  He has done a lot of research on new media growth and communications technology in Oman, and shared his surprisingly optimistic predictions with me.  Although the interviewee acknowledged the yawning gap between the “good news” stories that dominate Oman’s old media establishment and the “bad news” being circulated on the forums, he is confident that the gap will shrink as conventional media outlets start to lose their audience to the increasingly popular forums.  According to the professor, who wished to remain anonymous, “Traditional media like newspapers, television and radio are still talking about the same, old issues, and ignoring the issues that Omanis are truly concerned about.  At the same time, Online forums are becoming increasingly popular, and they offer the public a place to discuss issues that are too controversial for traditional media.”

True, many of the people who write on forums don’t adhere to journalistic standards, so some of the posts are based on rumors and not facts.  But the interviewee believes that as readers are exposed to more and more sources of information and news, they will become increasingly sophisticated and learn to differentiate between accurate reports and overly sensational ones.  As readers become more media-savvy, they will develop higher expectations for news sources, and gravitate toward the sources that exhibit solid journalistic practices and standards.  So the higher quality news sources will draw larger audiences, and beat out weaker competitors.  (An obvious counterpoint to this argument is the popularity of tabloids: some readers will always prefer salacious gossip to the boring, fact-checked stuff).

I have argued before that the phenomena of self-censorship and traditional censorship compromise the quality of reporting in Oman’s several state-controlled publications, but my interviewee noted that the handful of supposedly independent newspapers suffer from some of the same quality-control issues:

• Recycling new stories from other sources instead of encouraging original reporting

• Repeating the same, conventional viewpoints instead of seeking out alternative perspectives

• Fixating on international dilemmas like the “Zionist conspiracy,” instead of investigating local concerns like rising unemployment and the steady depletion of natural resources like oil and water.

• Prioritizing entertainment at the expense of hard news

In theory, privately run media outlets have more freedom than government-sponsored ones, so why are they running up against all of the same pitfalls?  In 2004, the Private Radio and Television Companies Law allowed for the licensing of private broadcast media, and for the first time in Oman’s history, a few independent stations went on the air.  Unfortunately, these private stations appear even less committed to serious journalism than their state-run counterparts, and devote the majority of their programming to entertainment and music.

Despite the apparent stagnation of this country’s old media establishment, my interviewee was optimistic that the rising popularity of online forums and other new media applications will force the traditional media outlets to improve the quality of their content, unless they want to see their audiences migrate to internet sources.  Oman’s most prominent Arabic internet forums — Farrq, Sabla and Hara — feature discussions on a range of pressing local issues that traditional media outlets tend to ignore.  Last week, I recorded the top local news stories covered in Al Watan, a privately owned but government-friendly newspaper, and compared those headlines to the most popular posts on the Hara forum.  No surprise here: Al Watan‘s coverage of local events was limited to self-congratulatory and overwhelmingly positive stories lauding government initiatives, while the Hara posts honed in on social and economic problems, called on public officials to implement remedies, and even criticized the performance of certain ministries.  Reading the headlines, it’s hard to believe that the the two websites are talking about the same country.  Here’s a sample of the local news stories covered by Al Watan on April 3:

• “Opening of the Aal al-Bayt Mosque in Madinat Qaboos”

• “Mahada municipality implements awareness campaigns to promote personal hygiene”

• “The Al Awabi fort reopens after the completion of restoration”

• “Maintenance work completed on the main road to Ra’as al Had”

• “Planting of more than 75 tree and installation of awareness bulletins on highways”

As you can see, these stories all highlight paternalistic initiatives aimed at improving the quality of life for citizens (the provision of public services is essential to maintaining the legitimacy of welfare states like Oman).  But compare this list to the following sample of most popular posts on Hara for the same day (April 3), and you’ll notice a substantial gap between the stories covered in the conventional media and the stories that Omanis (or the subset of Omanis who read the Hara forum) want to talk about:

• “Are the police doing their job in the Sultanate?”

• “The Omani people always waiting for royal orders … for how long?” (The post criticizes the bureaucratic paralysis of government ministries)

• “Lack of adequate parking space in the commercial district of Ruwi!”

• “Years of abuses and bribes for drivers licenses show lack of oversight in ministries”

• “What happened to the petition for a constitution?”

• “What happened in Mayzona??” (The post contains an accusation of police violence against a citizen)

Note that several items on the second list are framed as questions, and are directly inviting discussion of controversial issues like the inefficiency and even illegitimacy of government institutions.  These are issues that the conventional, government-friendly media won’t touch with a ten foot pole, for the time being.  But my interviewee suggested that the situation might change, as readers/listeners/viewers start fleeing conventional media for internet forums and other new media sources that are willing to push the envelope a little more.  If the conventional newspapers, radio and television stations don’t start addressing the issues discussed on Hara and other forums, their audiences will lose interest and move on to the greener pastures of new media.  When that starts happening, we may see the discrepancy between lists 1 and 2 start to narrow a little — and that would be a good thing, in my opinion.

My Fulbright year is coming to an end, which means that it’s time to sift through my files for stories that haven’t made it onto the blog yet.  Today, I’ve excavated an interview with Noura al Badi, a successful poet and actress who grew up in Buraimi, an oasis town on the Omani-Emirati border, which was once embroiled in a territorial dispute between Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi.  Earlier this year, I met with Noura to discuss the role of poetry in Omani public life.  Whereas some of my interviewees have insisted that poetry is a private art form that should not be deployed for political purposes, Noura believes that poets have a moral and social responsibility to document the problems they witness and inspire readers to seek solutions to those problems.  In addition to publishing several collections of poetry, Noura has also acted in two Dubai-produced films.  Here are some excerpts from my interview with Noura, which was conducted in English at the hotel Funduq al Falaj in Ruwi.

Fjord Lord: I’ve noticed that most of your poems are written in fus’ha (Modern Standard Arabic), as opposed to the Omani dialect.  What are the advantages and disadvantages of writing in formal Arabic?

Noura al Badi: I prefer to write in fus’ha because it can be understood by all Arabs, not just Omanis.  I want to reach the widest possible audience, and I cannot do that if I only write in a local dialect.  But I occasionally write poetry in amiya (Omani dialect) to appeal to my Omani readers.  I have to give [readers] what they want, and some of them prefer colloquial language.

FL: You mentioned that you like to reach a wide audience.  Is there a big audience for poetry in Oman?  Are young people as interested in literature as the older generations?

NB: The audience for classical Arabic poetry is declining, unfortunately.  But, the audience

When Omani poet Noura al Badi noticed that the demand for written poetry was declining, she started distributing her work on audio CDs.

for folk poetry (poetry written in the Omani dialect) is increasing.  Many folk poets write their poems as songs, and this appeals greatly to younger Omanis.  When I noticed this trend, I started recording my poetry on audio CDs.  If people stop reading, you have to start making CDs.  That’s how you force people to listen to you.”

FL: And what is it that you want to tell people with your poetry?

NB: I write what I am feeling — about myself, about society, about politics, about war.  The poetry comes from inside of me, like a waterfall of the soul.  It is impossible to control or regulate.  When I write, I feel as if I am craving something but I don’t know what.  I can see the faintest contours of it in my imagination, but it is only through writing that I can finally capture the image or experience.  Poets always use their imaginations, but they should never be isolated from the world around them.  When Baghdad was bombed (in 2003), I cried over all of the damaged museums and lost heritage.  It killed me to see all of this destruction on the news.  I couldn’t sleep for three nights, and on the third night the poem came.  It was published on the homepage of Az-Zamn, an Iraqi e-newspaper and stayed there for weeks after the invasion.

FL: Your poetry addresses international events and crises like the Iraq war, but you don’t seem to write about Omani politics or local issues.  Why is this?

NB: There’s no need to write about the political situation in Oman, because the country is so stable. Everything is handed to us on a golden platter, and we don’t have to fight for any of it.  To have a father (the Sultan) willing to give you everything before you even ask for it — Now that is a gift from God!  As an Omani woman, I have so many rights and privileges.  There is really nothing to complain about, and when I write poems about Oman, they are only full of praise.  I work in the Ministry of Education, and I am paid as much as my male colleagues.  If I am better than a man, I am put in charge of him.  At work, I supervise men and they don’t mind working under me because they are so used to it.  His Majesty supports women, and now everyone else must do the same.

FL: Has this always been the case, or was there a time when you felt discriminated against as a woman?

NB: In the past, things were not so easy.  I grew up in Buraimi, and to be honest, the town was not ready for me.  I was twenty years ahead of my time, and there were a lot of narrow-minded people who did not want to see me succeed.  I married too young, at the age of fifteen.  I became a wife and a mother too early in my life, and I felt trapped — unable to achieve my dreams.  Poetry became an outlet for my frustrations.  At that time, I wrote a poem about the sea, because I was jealous of its freedom.  That’s when I realized that the only way out was divorce.  Later, I married again, to a man who supports my career and my ambitions.  He is not afraid of my opinions, and I am not afraid to speak freely.  If you don’t respect my individuality, you will feel the fire of volcanos in your face!

FL: Speaking of free speech, I’ve noticed that some poets write under pseudonyms.  Have you ever used a pseudonym?

NB: No, I’ve always used my own name, since I first started writing in the 1990s.  If I’m shy about saying something, then I don’t deserve to be a poet.  It’s true that there are some taboo subjects like sex and religion, and it is difficult to talk about these issues in a conservative society.  But I often use metaphors to say things indirectly.  The beauty of poetry is in its symbolism.

FL: Does poetry have a value other than beauty?  What role should poets play in contemporary society?

NB: Good poetry should make people aware of social and political issues.  If poetry doesn’t carry a cause, then it’s useless.  Sometimes I feel like I am carrying the burdens of the world on my shoulders like a heavy corpse.  I write poetry to relieve some of the burden.  It is not easy to write about weighty issues like war, but we have to do it.  Otherwise, the words are empty.